Thủ Thuật về Which of the following is part of the process of socialization? Chi Tiết
Bùi Công Duy đang tìm kiếm từ khóa Which of the following is part of the process of socialization? được Cập Nhật vào lúc : 2022-11-19 19:02:03 . Với phương châm chia sẻ Bí kíp về trong nội dung bài viết một cách Chi Tiết Mới Nhất. Nếu sau khi tham khảo nội dung bài viết vẫn ko hiểu thì hoàn toàn có thể lại phản hồi ở cuối bài để Ad lý giải và hướng dẫn lại nha.Socialization
Nội dung chính Show- SocializationSocialization in Infancy and ChildhoodSocialization, Sociology ofOrganizational Socialization7 Socialization Research MethodsAn Overview of Language and Literacy in Educational SettingsSociolinguistic approaches emphasizing language socializationEquity and Justice in Developmental Science: Implications for Young People, Families, and Communities3.1.1 Cultural SocializationMoral Development, Theories ofSocialization in Infancy and ChildhoodValues, Development of1 Four Theoretical PerspectivesAggression and Altruism*Introductory ConsiderationsBiosocial Construction of Sex Differences and Similarities in Behavior3 SocializationWhich of the following is a part of the process of socialization?What are the 4 processes of socialization?What is the process of socialization?What is the process of socialization quizlet?
R.D. Parke, ... K.L. Morris, in Encyclopedia of Infant and Early Childhood Development, 2008
Socialization in Infancy and Childhood
Socialization is the process whereby an individual’s standards, skills, motives, attitudes, and behaviors change to conform to those regarded as desirable and appropriate for his or her present and future role in any particular society. Many agents play a role in the socialization process including families, peers, neighborhoods, the mass truyền thông, schools, and religious institutions. It is assumed that these various agents function together rather than independently. Families have been recognized as an early pervasive and highly influential context for socialization. Infants and children are dependent on parents for nurturance and support from an early age, which accounts, in part, for their prominence as a socialization agent. We next consider peers, mass truyền thông, and neighborhood socialization influences. In this article, we will focus on parents, as well as sibling, co-parenting, and marital subsystems as contexts for socialization. Next, we will examine the determinants of parental socialization strategies. Finally, we examine the socialization roles of a variety of extrafamilial influences (e.g., peers, truyền thông).
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Socialization, Sociology of
V. Gecas, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001
Socialization generally refers to the process of social influence through which a person acquires the culture or subculture of their group, and in the course of acquiring these cultural elements the individual's self and personality are shaped. Socialization, therefore, addresses two important problems of social life: the problem of societal continuity and the problem of individual development. Sociology has tended to emphasize the latter more than the former, by focusing on the development of self and identities, and the internalization of roles, motives, and values. Sociological perspectives on socialization have been shaped largely by two major theoretical orientations: structure-functionalism, which views socialization largely as the learning of social roles; and symbolic interactionism, which emphasizes the development of self and identities. Current research on socialization is guided largely by symbolic interaction theory, and focuses on the process and outcomes of socialization across the life course as they occur within specific contexts of interaction, especially family, peers, school, workplace, and resocialization settings.
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Organizational Socialization
Talya N. Bauer, in Encyclopedia of Applied Psychology, 2004
7 Socialization Research Methods
Socialization researchers tend to conduct longitudinal studies, use actual newcomers to organizations, and (often) use 3-month intervals (i.e., 3, 6, 9, and 12 months) to measure socialization-related variables, especially outcome measures. However, little empirical evidence has been offered to support the selection of these measurement periods beyond the fact that other studies have used them and found significant results using them. Often, the samples studied are college graduates or specific professionals such as nurses or accountants. Thus, what we know about socialization must be inferred from a relatively narrow set of occupations or job types studied.
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An Overview of Language and Literacy in Educational Settings
V.G. Aukrust, in International Encyclopedia of Education (Third Edition), 2010
Sociolinguistic approaches emphasizing language socialization
Language socialization studies emphasize the complex social norms that govern the use of specific language constructions. These studies clearly define the implicit and explicit socialization practices involved in the child's developing language.
The term language socialization refers to the interactional processes through which a child develops the competence required for participation in the social life of a particular community, including routine cultural practices, such as language and literacy activities. Language socialization research builds on the view that acquiring a language is part of a much larger process of becoming a thành viên of society. The language socialization paradigm is concerned with two phenomena: how children are socialized to use language, and how they are socialized through the use of language.
Ochs and Schieffelin (1995) argue that language socialization accounts for children's grammatical development in terms of the indexical meanings of grammatical forms. Children are viewed as tuned into certain lexical meanings of grammatical forms, which link those forms to, for example, the social identities of interlocutors. They may use a form they do not hear often because it is indexically appropriate to use it. A language socialization approach relates children's use and understanding of linguistic forms to how information is linguistically presented within and across socially recognized situations.
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Equity and Justice in Developmental Science: Implications for Young People, Families, and Communities
Natasha Cabrera, ... Daniela Aldoney, in Advances in Child Development and Behavior, 2022
3.1.1 Cultural Socialization
Cultural socialization refers to parental practices that teach children about their own race and ethnic heritage, cultural customs, and traditions. Examples of cultural socialization practices include talking about history or historical figures, reading culturally relevant books, celebrating cultural holidays, and encouraging children to use their native language. Parents are more likely to engage in discussions of cultural socialization than any other form of ethnic–racial socialization (e.g., preparation for bias, promotion of mistrust; Caughy, O’Campo, Randolph, & Nickerson, 2002; Hughes & Chen, 1999). In studies of Black families, the percentage of parents who report using cultural socialization ranges from 33% (Marshall, 1995) to 80% or more (Coard, Wallace, Stevenson, & Brotman, 2004). Phinney and Chavira (1995) found that, on average, Japanese parents report that roughly 66% of their ethnic–racial socialization practices were cultural socialization message, while Dominican, Mexican, and Puerto Rican parents reported that cultural socialization messages comprised 85% of their ethnic–racial socialization practices (Hughes, 2003). The emphasis on cultural socialization also increased if parents perceived more discrimination themselves or if they had a strong ethnic identity (Hughes, 2003).
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Moral Development, Theories of
Marc Jambon, Judith G. Smetana, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015
Abstract
Socialization approaches and cognitive-developmental theory have provided two major approaches to studying moral development. Socialization approaches have focused on the development of conscience through guilt and internalized behavior, typically measured in terms of compliance, whereas cognitive-developmental theories have emphasized developmental changes in moral judgments and reasoning. While important differences persist, contemporary approaches have attempted to integrate thoughts, emotions, and behaviors and have stressed the importance of social interactions. The rise of evolutionary based accounts have led to more research with infants and studies incorporating neuroscience, furthering the understanding of the complex nature of moral development.
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Socialization in Infancy and Childhood
R.D. Parke, R. Buriel, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001
Socialization is the process by which children acquire the values, standards of behavior, attitudes, and skills that are viewed as appropriate to the culture in which the child resides. The family as the earliest and most pervasive socialization agent will be the focus of this article. To organize the issues, a family systems viewpoint, which emphasizes a variety of subsystems, including parent–child, marital, and sibling systems will be used. The following topics will be briefly covered, including mother–father differences in style of interaction, typological and parent–child interaction approaches to socialization, parents as advisors and providers of opportunities for social interaction. Marital and sibling relationships as contributors to children's development will be briefly considered. Determinants of family socialization strategies including child characteristics, social support, social ecological factors (e.g., socioeconomic status, SES), and ethnic background will be reviewed. The multidetermined nature of socialization will be emphasized by locating the family in a network of social influences.
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Values, Development of
L. Kuczynski, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001
1 Four Theoretical Perspectives
Socialization perspectives emphasize the unidirectional transmission of values from an older generation to a younger generation. Older models are based on psychoanalytic (Hoffman 1970) and social learning (Bandura and Walters 1963) theories and generally are limited to an analysis of dyadic parent–child interactions. In general, this approach focused on the products of value socialization to the relative neglect of the process of value socialization. The focus on parents has been on pre-existing parental behaviors, traits, and styles that are conceptualized as antecedents of children's socialization. The focus on children has been on outcomes conceptualized as passive conformity with socialization pressures or internalization of values. Such models have been much criticized by psychologists and sociologists because of their static, homogenious assumptions concerning the nature of society, and the passive and overly conforming view of parents to the previous generation and of children to their parents (Wrong 1961). More recent socialization perspectives (Grusec and Goodnow 1994) retain a focus on the parental role in socialization, but incorporate an interest in how parents accommodate to child characteristics, abilities, and motives in designing flexible strategies for transmitting values to children.
The cognitive developmental perspectives of Piaget and Kohlberg represented early challenges to the socialization perspective. These theories emphasized children's cognitive construction of values and children's sequenced development of their capacity for moral judgement. The parent's authoritative role in teaching values was de-emphasized and a greater focus was placed on the superiority of egalitarian peer relations in promoting moral development. More recent social domain theory (Smetana 1997) balances an interest in the child's activity in constructing values in different environmental contexts with an interest in how parents, among others, provide contextually nuanced, affective, and cognitive material from which children can construct their understanding of value systems in their social environments.
Early socialization theories acknowledged the importance of a positive parent–child relationship context in such constructs as parental warmth and nurturance that were considered to enhance the effectiveness of a parent's socialization techniques. In recent relational perspectives, the long-term parent–child relationship moves to the foreground as a primary source of parental influence. Maccoby and Martin's (1983) review of the research on parent–child interaction presaged many elements of a relational perspective on socialization. In contrast to earlier perspectives that emphasized parental discipline strategies they traced the origins of socialization to the beginnings of relationship formation during the first year of life. Research supporting the relational origins of children's co-operation include correlations with measures of maternal sensitivity during feeding, secure attachment, and measures of reciprocal parent–child responsiveness during play (Kuczynski and Hildebrandt 1997). The relational perspectives emphasize that far from having to be coerced into accepting parental values, children share a common relationship history with their caretakers that leads them to be receptive to parental influence and to adopt similar social goals.
Bilateral and coconstructionist perspectives are emerging integrative frameworks that incorporate concepts of bidirectional causality, agency of parent and child, and a changing cultural context into a comprehensive understanding of the process of value development (Kuczynski et al. 1997, Lawrence and Valsiner 1993). As with most new theories, these perspectives emphasize that values are actively constructed, or interpreted, by the child from the parental and cultural environment rather than transmitted passively unchanged from one generation to the other. What is distinctive is their explicit interest in the process of bidirectional socialization. For example, the bilateral model of parent–child relations (Kuczynski et al. 1999) focuses on relatively unexplored arenas of parent–child relations such as the constructions and strategic actions of both parents and children, power transactions, and relationship dynamics. These models also add complexity to the parental side of value development. They propose that the values that parents initially bring into the child rearing context also undergo change as the result of self-reflection, exposure to different and changing values outside the family, and the continual opportunities for problem solving and challenges that parents experience from their children during the lengthy process of childrearing.
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Aggression and Altruism*
Douglas P. Fry, in Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, & Conflict (Second Edition), 2008
Introductory Considerations
Socialization and social learning processes are crucial in shaping behaviors, including aggression and altruism. Through socialization within a particular culture, individuals acquire views as to what the world is like and the nature of ‘human nature’, adopt particular attitudes and values, and gain an understanding of the cultural meaning of events and behaviors. In any culture, socialization involves modeling and imitation, reinforcement and punishment, cognition and reflection, and such processes have direct influences on the development of aggressive, peaceful, altruistic, and egocentric attitudes and behaviors. Psychologists note that conditions which have been shown to be particularly relevant to the learning and continuance of aggressive behavior patterns, for example, are those in which aggression is reinforced, there are many opportunities to witness aggression in others, there are few opportunities for developing affective social ties with others, and the individual personally is a recipient of aggression. Longitudinal psychological studies show that both aggressive and prosocial behaviors tend to persist into adulthood once they are learned in childhood; in one study, individuals who behaved aggressively when they were 8 years old also tended to behave aggressively when they were 30 years old. The same intra-individual consistency also was found for prosocial behaviors such as sharing.
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Biosocial Construction of Sex Differences and Similarities in Behavior
Wendy Wood, Alice H. Eagly, in Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 2012
3 Socialization
The considerable variation in the activities typically carried out by men and women across socioeconomic structures and local conditions that we demonstrated in the preceding section emerges as societies actively construct social roles that people believe will enable them to prosper in their local society. The psychological and social processes involved are depicted in Fig. 2.1. One important aspect of these processes is that the preparation of boys and girls for their adult responsibilities requires that societies exert considerable effort to socialize children for their adult roles. If children were innately predisposed to engage in these roles, then parents, schools, and other adults would need to exert only limited socializing influence. Instead, human societies undertake elaborate socialization processes to shape boys’ and girls’ habits, skills, cognitive competencies, emotional tendencies, personality traits, and normative beliefs. As a result of this socialization, most children learn to function in the ways that women and men are defined in their society.
3.1 Socialization as a biosocial processSocialization builds on characteristically human evolved traits such as the predisposition to imitate others and to engage in social processes of emulation, collaborative learning, and teaching (Hill, Barton, & Hurtado, 2009; Meltzoff, 2007). These predispositions orient children to be responsive to and quickly acquire skills and knowledge suited to the societal contexts in which they live. Extensive socialization is enabled by the long juvenile period of humans in comparison to other primates (Joffee, 1997; Sellen, 2007). Especially during this developmental period, socialization interacts with gene expression to influence behavioral patterns and biological outcomes (see Lickliter & Honeycutt, 2003).
The importance of socialization does not preclude biological influences on children's behaviors. In other words, socialization does not act on a blank slate. Temperamental differences between girls and boys emerge early in life. Boys’ greater surgency (Else-Quest, Hyde, Goldsmith, & Van Hulle, 2006) suggests biological differentiation, including their greater motor activity as infants (Campbell & Eaton, 1999; Eaton & Enns, 1986) and even prenatally (Almli, Ball, & Wheeler, 2001). In childhood, this surgency pattern manifests as physical activity, approach, sociability, high-intensity pleasure, and lack of shyness. Males’ greater exposure to prenatal androgens is presumed to induce greater surgency, which, in turn, fosters their preference for play and toys that involve movement (e.g., Auyeung et al., 2009; Hines, 2009), given additional input from social experiences of physical, rough-and-tumble play (e.g., Lindzey & Mize, 2001; Munroe & Romney, 2006). Less research attention has focused on girls’ early-emerging advantage in effortful control, or self-regulatory skills (Else-Quest et al., 2006), which may enable them to act appropriately in the classroom when entering school and to achieve academically (Matthews, Ponitz, & Morrison, 2009).
What exactly are the biological mechanisms that create these early psychological differences between girls and boys? Many researchers maintain that the answer to this question lies in the organizational effects of prenatal hormones on the brain, specifically, prenatal androgenization of male fetuses (e.g., Berenbaum, Blakemore, & Beltz, 2011; Hines, 2009, 2011). However, the evidence is less than clear. Several narrative reviews have noted the elusiveness of evidence for the sex-differentiated neural structures that presumably result from early androgen exposure (Fine, 2010; Jordan-Young, 2010; Wallentin, 2009). Furthermore, meta-analytic reviews have found little systematic evidence of sex differences in such neural structures or related cognitive processing (Bishop & Wahlsten, 1997; Pfannkuche, Bouma, & Groothuis, 2009; Sommer, Aleman, Somers, Boks, & Kahn, 2008). Supporters of prenatal androgenization theory often cite the masculine behavioral patterns of girls with congenital adrenal hyperplasia, a condition that involves prenatal exposure to high levels of androgens. However, this condition brings additional physical and anatomical abnormalities (e.g., genital masculinization) that prompt major medical interventions and doubtless influence girls’ socialization and behavioral experiences—which, in turn, may affect their neural structures and behaviors (Jordan-Young, 2010; Saucier & Ehresman, 2010). Whether research has adequately addressed these criticisms is open to debate (e.g., Berenbaum et al., 2011). In general, research in this fast-developing area has yet to provide systematic evidence of the sex differences in brain structures and behaviors that may be associated with early androgen exposure or other biological factors. Although sex-differentiated social experience surely does not operate on a blank slate, what is written on that slate has not been adequately deciphered so far.
3.2 Socialization mechanismsExtensive anthropological research on socialization illustrates how children are trained to participate in their family and social groups (e.g., girls’ caring for siblings) and prepared for their adult lives (Best, 2010). Thus, socialization pressures on girls and boys correspond generally to their society's female–male division of labor (e.g., Barry, Josephson, Lauer, & Marshall, 1976; see Wood & Eagly, 2002, for review). This link between socialization and the division of labor is evident, for example, in findings that (a) girls were encouraged to be submissive in societies in which women did not own resources or exercise much power (Low, 1989) and (b) boys were treated harshly to instill aggressiveness in societies that practiced warfare (Ember & Ember, 1994; see also Ross, 1992). Furthermore, the socialization of girls and boys differed more in societies with productive activities known to promote patriarchy, such as intensive agriculture and animal husbandry (Barry, Bacon, & Child, 1957).
To demonstrate the importance of socialization, developmental psychologists identify how parents and other socializers treat girls and boys differently and convey gender to children in ways that foster sex differences in social behavior. Although most of these studies are correlational and thus do not preclude reciprocal influences, whereby children influence parents, research on socialization also includes experimental studies that provide strong evidence of the causal influence of socialization practices (e.g., Banerjee & Lintern, 2000; Hilliard & Liben, 2010; Kimball, 1986).
The differential reinforcement of children's behavior is one potential socialization mechanism. Confirming its importance, a meta-analysis by Lytton and Romney (1991) found that parents encourage gender-typical activity and discourage gender-atypical activity, especially for sons (see also Fagot & Hagan, 1991; Kane, 2006). As part of this process, parents assign gender-stereotypical household chores and provide gender-typical toys, clothing, and room decorations, thereby creating affordances for culturally feminine or masculine behaviors (Blakemore, Berenbaum, & Liben, 2009; Ruble, Martin, & Berenbaum, 2006). Consistent with such parental influences, sons who reported that their fathers discouraged them from playing like a girl played more with tools and less with dishes than did other boys (Raag & Rackliff, 1998).
Despite demonstrating this differential reinforcement for gender-typical activities, Lytton and Romney (1991) found little evidence that parents encourage different, broadly defined psychological attributes (e.g., warmth, aggressiveness) in sons and daughters. However, evidence for sex-differentiated socialization relevant to such dispositions comes from research that has focused on narrower categories of behavior, critical periods in development, naturalistic settings, and varying family contexts (McHale, Crouter, & Whiteman, 2003). For example, when parents and children jointly reminisce about family events, they discuss emotional issues (especially sadness and negativity) more with preschool daughters than sons (Fivush, 1998). Also, mothers use more supportive speech and talk more with daughters than sons (see meta-analysis by Leaper, Anderson, & Sanders, 1998). Parents also allow sons more independence and autonomy but react to daughters by helping, monitoring, and controlling them and by discouraging their physical risk taking (see review by Blakemore et al., 2009).
Socialization mechanisms also include the pervasive nonconscious processes of social learning. In foraging societies, in particular, children absorb culturally appropriate behavior through emulation and imitation, initially of parents and subsequently of a wider range of individuals (Hewlett, Fouts, Boyette, & Hewlett, 2011). Even in agricultural and industrialized societies, gender is often transmitted indirectly and by example. Parents thus serve as prime role models for the division of labor. Suggesting such influences, children of parents with low commitment to gender equality or with fathers who are not involved in childrearing are faster to learn gender stereotypes and have less gender-egalitarian attitudes (see Blakemore et al., 2009; Leaper, in press). Also, mothers’ employment is associated with their children's more gender-egalitarian attitudes (e.g., Gardner & LaBrecque, 1986; Riggio & Desrochers, 2005) as well as with their daughters’ higher academic achievement, assertiveness, and self-efficacy (see meta-analysis by Goldberg, Prause, Lucas-Thompson, & Himsel, 2008; also Hoffman & Youngblade, 1999).
School experiences can convey gender through various means. For example, in a field experiment, teachers who made gender salient for their pupils produced stronger gender stereotypes, less positive attitudes toward peers of the other sex, and less willingness to play with them (Hilliard & Liben, 2010). Also, in a field experiment that varied the textbooks used in schools within the same neighborhood, children assigned a more gender-stereotypic reader were less likely than those assigned a gender-neutral reader to identify activities as appropriate for both males and females and to believe that males can perform female-stereotypic activities (Karniol & Gal-Disegni, 2009).
Children in many societies are further socialized by television, movies, the Internet, and video games, which largely convey conventional gender arrangements and behaviors (e.g., Lauzen, Dozier, & Horan, 2008). Frequent television viewing thus is associated with more gender-stereotypical beliefs (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, Signorielli, & Shanahan, 2002; Signorielli, 2001). The results of a field experiment tracking the effects of the introduction of television in a Canadian town are especially informative. That is, when children were exposed to television's gender-stereotyped truyền thông culture, their attitudes shifted in a gender-stereotypic direction compared with attitudes in a control town (Kimball, 1986).
In summary, socialization is an important building block in the social construction of gender. It not only orients boys and girls to interact appropriately within their family and social groups but also prepares them for their likely adult roles by conveying knowledge of the normative environment in which adults enact gender (Bussey & Bandura, 1999).1 Although socialization promotes sex-related differences consistent with the division of labor in each society, nontraditional influences (e.g., employed mothers) are associated with nontraditional outcomes (e.g., assertive, achievement-oriented daughters).
Socialization does not directly cause sex differences in adult behavior. Instead, it sets the stage for adults’ dynamic construction of gender within the framework that socialization has established. Through proximal psychological and biological mechanisms, adults create gender in ways that allow them to respond with considerable flexibility to a wide range of contemporaneous influences. As depicted in Fig. 2.1, sex differences in adult behavior reflect a layered set of causes beginning with male and female biological specialization that favors a division of labor tailored to the socioecological context. In turn, this division within a society structures not only socialization practices but also the psychological and biological mechanisms by which individuals collectively create gender within their society. Central to these mechanisms are cultural beliefs about gender, or gender roles, defined as the shared beliefs that members of a society hold about women and men. Given these beliefs, people then construct gender through the proximal biosocial processes we describe in the next sections of the chapter. This convergence of influences yields the considerable variability across cultures that we demonstrated in the first section of this chapter.
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Which of the following is a part of the process of socialization?
Socialization involves both social structure and interpersonal relations. It contains three key parts: context, content and process, and results. Context, perhaps, defines socialization the most, as it refers to culture, language, social structures and one's rank within them.What are the 4 processes of socialization?
At each stage of socialization, the child internalizes a system of roles, not just one role. Socialization consists of four stages from infancy to adulthood. They are- (1) The oral stage, (2) The anal stage, (3) The oedipal stage and (4) Adolescence.What is the process of socialization?
In sociology, socialization or socialisation (see spelling differences) is the process of internalizing the norms and ideologies of society. Socialization encompasses both learning and teaching and is thus "the means by which social and cultural continuity are attained".What is the process of socialization quizlet?
socialization is the process by which people learn new skills, knowledge, values, norms, attitudes and behaviour appropriate for members of a particular society. Tải thêm tài liệu liên quan đến nội dung bài viết Which of the following is part of the process of socialization?